Podiumsdiskussion zu u.a. mit Frauke Petry und Sahra Wagenknecht
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Share Ms Wagenknecht has highlighted the limits to Germany's ability to take in migrants and refugees, insisting that 'not all refugees can come to Germany'. Hope it was Black Forest Gateau! A favorite of the German talk show circuit and the newspaper opinion page, Wagenknecht is one of the most well-known and recognized members of her party.
Your connection to any such linked site is at your own risk. The dissertation was published as a book in 1997. To liberal centrists, it presents itself as the defender of refugees, the party that opened borders when others built walls and fences. That said, their perspective has been shaped by the endless intraparty conflict between radicals and reformers.
Category:Sahra Wagenknecht - The rationale for such actions seems valid on the surface: as an unapologetic left party, Die Linke needs to defend the most vulnerable groups as a matter of principle, even if doing so endangers electoral success.
Now, in the wake of refugee arrivals in Germany and the resurgence of far-right populism, this division has blurred. Her erstwhile sexy sarah wagenknecht accuse her of surrendering to racism and xenophobia and insist that the party uphold the principles of openness and inclusion. Germany will hold elections in September, but the political landscape seems to preclude any chance of meaningful change. The populist right will likely make a strong showing, estimated around 10—15 percent. Despite the between some of its members and neo-Nazi circles, Alternative for Germany AfD will not only gain access to parliament but is currently set to become its third-largest faction. The current alignment of political forces means that any role for the Left in the next government is highly unlikely. But they also need to recognize that strong political coalitions and social movements are built by working with voters, many of whom hold less than perfectly antiracist views — not lecturing them. Like most political sexy sarah wagenknecht in Germany today, the answer revolves around refugees. Merkel initially took a liberal position, proclaiming a new German Willkommenskultur, a policy of open arms and selfless humanitarian efforts. As a result, all parties are losing ground to this insurgency. To liberal centrists, it presents itself as the defender of refugees, the party that opened borders when others built walls and fences. Die Linke, too, has lost votes to the AfD in Berlin and in former Sexy sarah wagenknecht Germany, but its problems run deeper than that. Within a few short months, the AfD succeeded where Die Linke failed, by establishing a connection between the socioeconomic threat many Germans experience and lingering resentments toward immigrants and Muslims. In a specifically German configuration, right-wing populism has successfully exploited not only economic fears in the wake of globalization but also the long-standing European distrust of American imperialism. Government policies have only made this story more convincing. What makes German politics different — and what makes the Sahra question so pressing — is the unique position Die Linke occupies in the German political landscape. And yet Die Linke has struggled to agree on a coherent position on refugees and immigration. These positions are both laudable and perfectly consistent in theory. But the right-wing strategy of combining class-based grievances with latent racist and xenophobic attitudes poses a serious problem of political practice that does not adhere to the usual distinction between sexy sarah wagenknecht reformers and radical activists. How, then, should the party respond to this challenge. On paper, the answer is simple: by disentangling the issues and identifying the true culprits of growing inequality and poverty — not immigrants and refugees, but the capitalist class. The answer is an obvious one for the radical wing of the party; both Wagenknecht and her critics identify with it. The main controversy is not whether but how to accomplish this task. There is, on the one hand, the course suggested — and stubbornly followed — by Sahra Wagenknecht. She has been selected as one of the sexy sarah wagenknecht leading candidates for the 2017 elections, as a representative of the radical wing. And yet, on the central issue of refugees, Wagenknecht has alienated many of her former supporters. Her overall strategy is to fight the AfD directly, challenging the right-wing narrative that combines very real material concerns with latent prejudice into a resurgence of nationalism and racism. Crucially, however, she explicitly rejects the notion that objective analysis alone can trump concrete experiences and subjective concerns. The result so far, at least within Die Linke, has been an astonishing amount of hostility. The rationale for such actions seems valid on the surface: as an unapologetic left party, Die Linke needs to defend the most vulnerable groups as a matter of principle, even if doing so endangers electoral success. Regretfully, then, Die Linke activists seem to have no choice but to turn their back on their most popular public figure. A political ideal, even one as laudable as antiracism, needs to be connected to a broader class-based politics in order to gain mass appeal. Critics of Wagenknecht can rightfully point out that their antiracism is, in fact, a matter of principle, rather than a hypocritical ploy in support of capitalism and the political establishment; but what matters here is not the motivation behind the rhetoric but the fact that it failed. Given the dire outlook for any kind of left politics in Germany, it should also be clear that party strategy today cannot be subsumed under electoral strategy. That said, their perspective has been shaped by the endless intraparty conflict between radicals and reformers. As a result, they also conflate malicious right-wing agitators like Björn Höcke with their despairing audience. This leads us to the second flaw in sexy sarah wagenknecht anti-Sahra movement: her critics display a hypersensitivity to language and a desire for political purity to the point where movement-building becomes effectively impossible. That they are immediately repulsed by the slightest sentiments perceived as racist reflects their commitment to a better world, of course. That many victims of neoliberalism will express some form of racist, nativist, or sexist sentiment is a reality that cannot simply be wished away. Those sentiments have to be engaged with and fought over. But in order to do so, the Left must engage with those that hold such beliefs. After all, if the majority of the population were already on board with leftist values, why would there be any need for radical sexy sarah wagenknecht. Its activists will have to endure painful encounters with working- and middle-class people who hold regressive values. They will have to accept that many Germans will not let go of their prejudices easily, and that it is only through the combined actions of marginalized groups that those prejudices can truly be overcome. But left politics have never been the sanitized efforts of pure conscience and saintly devotion that we are all tempted to believe in at times. Creating a different kind of movement will take time and, more importantly, patience. Racist or xenophobic sentiments exist, not as essential personality traits but as attitudes that can change through experience. Those need to be addressed, but they can be opposed effectively only on a basis of solidarity and mutual trust. That left politics can be messy and even unappealing is a forgotten truism. Among leading radicals on the German left, only Wagenknecht appears to have come to terms with this fact. No matter what the elections will bring, 2017 is the year in which Die Linke will either be doomed to irrelevance or reinvent itself with a new generation of Sahras who are prepared to meet the ugly realities of our age. Or it can take a leap of faith and build a socialist alternative from below, sharing the picket lines with the deplorables and working with them to develop the principles and practices of antiracism and other ideals through political action. End Mark Share this article About the Author Filed Under.
DISSLIKE // SAHRA WAGENKNECHT
What makes German politics different — and what makes the Sahra question so pressing — is the unique position Die Linke occupies in the German political landscape. The answer is an obvious one for the radical wing of the party; both Wagenknecht and her critics identify with it. Within a few short months, the AfD succeeded where Die Linke failed, by establishing a connection between the socioeconomic threat many Germans experience and lingering resentments toward immigrants and Muslims. Those need to be addressed, but they can be opposed effectively only on a basis of solidarity and mutual trust. She is a Member of the Bundestag, author, and a member of the National Committee of the Left Party. Personal life Wagenknecht married businessman Ralph-Thomas Niemeyer in May 1997. Dabei stört Wagenknecht weder, dass es einen Plural für private deutsche Großbanken nicht gibt, weil mit der Deutschen Bank überhaupt nur noch eine einzige nicht-staatliche deutsche Großbank existiert. Oder obwohl sie es weiß. Die Linke, too, has lost votes to the AfD in Berlin and in former East Germany, but its problems run deeper than that. She is a Member of the Bundestag, author, and a member of the National Committee of the Left Party. These positions are both laudable and perfectly consistent in theory. With her precise and uncompromising attitude, Wagenknecht is determined to fight for her vision of Germany.
